To save lives and preserve democracy requires Bolsonaro out of presidency
Central Committee Political Resolution, virtual, July 10 – 11, 2020
The pandemic of the new coronavirus, by its size, strongly impacts the world reality. It sharpens contradictions, accentuates impasses, accelerates changes, precipitates trends, in a world in multiple crises, over a long period. It promotes the expansion of international conflicts, such as technological and commercial disputes, among others. And, it stands out, it fosters the fight for alternatives.
In Brazil, due to the criminal irresponsibility of President Bolsonaro, the pandemic has assumed the proportion of a national tragedy. Now, even after being contaminated by the virus, he reinforces the misuse of the Presidency of the Republic to continue the criminal campaign to deny the severity of the disease and to confront the health guidelines of the World Health Organization (WHO). The PCdoB reiterates that only the broad front movements that are emerging will be able to drive Bolsonaro away from the Presidency of the Republic; a solution that is necessary to remove the country from the crisis, save lives and preserve democracy.
SARS-Cov-2 has officially infected more than 11 million people and caused more than a half million deaths. The health crisis continues to expand itself. Its multiple effects give new contours to the systemic crisis of capitalism and to the intensification of class struggles. In economic terms, the world is experiencing a depression. Unemployment spreads and social inequality increases. Global GDP – according to forecasts from several international organizations – will fall by at least 6 percent, despite the unprecedented fiscal stimulus calculated today at US$ 11 trillion, effected by the group of central banks. The International Labour Organization (ILO) has revealed, at the end of last April, that 1.6 billion people who are in the informal economy have their livelihoods strongly affected. About 100 million people, around the world, will be pushed into extreme poverty, being 30 million just in Latin America.
The decline of the United States and the rise of socialist China are the two sides of the main trend of contemporary geopolitics. First country to suffer an outbreak of the virus and with a population three and a half times larger than that of the United States, China had 25 times fewer deaths from Covid-19. After its industrial production fell 13.5% in February, it only dropped 1.1% in March. The Asian country is already recovering its economic dynamism and its GDP is expected to grow by around 3%. China does not come out of the pandemic better by chance. The socialist countries are overcoming the Covid-19 for having demonstrated a superior level of organization of the State and society to face crises, protecting people’s lives, the economic activity and national interests. Meanwhile, the United States has become the country with the highest number of infected people, with more than 130,000 deaths so far. However, in order to try to reverse or mask this declining trend, US imperialism supports an economic, geopolitical and diplomatic offensive against the Asian giant. The positive performance of socialist countries, in the context of the pandemic, is a fact that offers to revolutionary forces the opportunity to present socialism as an alternative to the capitalism in crisis, that has proved to be incapable of guaranteeing to people the right of living and to work.
The contradictions and limitations of extreme right-wing experiences arising from the crisis of liberal democracies, especially in the West, caused by the attacks by reactionary and neo-fascist forces that emerged in the wake of the world crisis of capitalism, which began in 2007-2008, are accentuated. However, obscurantism, denial of science and truth, xenophobia, racism, violence and authoritarianism – flags of neofascism – are confronted by the resistance of broad democratic forces. Even conservative forces at the head of European countries’ governments were forced by the pandemic to place the State – at least momentarily – in guaranteeing public policies regarding companies, employment, income and health.
Although it is still necessary waiting for the evolution and the outcome of this confrontation, some leaders of the reactionary field, as is the case of Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro, already suffer the wear and tear resulting from the failure to conduct the current crisis. In the US case, Donald Trump causes a conflict against the existence of the Palestinian State and also to divert attention from the domestic situation. He attacks WHO and other international organizations. Trump lost the status of favourite in the presidential elections next November, especially due to the disastrous policy of fighting the pandemic and the anti-racist protests and social justice wave that broke out with the assassination of George Floyd. Data reveal that the “Black lives matter” movement may be the biggest ever in the history of the USA. The latest polls already give Democratic candidate Joe Biden an 8-10 advantage points. An eventual defeat of Trump would have an impact on Brazil, reducing the Bolsonaro government’s room for manoeuvre.
II- Serious national tragedy – Bolsonaro is responsible
Brazil is going through a tragedy of great proportions. More than 70 thousand people – most of them from the poorest working class – have already lost their lives, victimized by Covid-19. In absolute terms, the country is the second in the world in terms of deaths and infections. This count, although terrible, is incapable of expressing the tears, mourning and suffering of Brazilian families.
Another inhuman face of tragedy the economic and. The World Bank estimates a drop of 8% of the Brazilian GDP for this year. If that estimate comes true, it will be the biggest drop in 120 years. Half of the economically active population is already unemployed, and if it depends on Bolsonaro’s prescription and Economy Minister Paulo Guedes, it will still get worse. Millions of workers had reduced wages. Those remain with labour rights is under threat. Micro, small and medium-sized companies – the source of most jobs – have been abandoned, without access to credit; without the support of the federal government, they close the doors. In May, the industry as a whole remained 21% below the production level of February 2020, while 47% of its regional parks were at even lower levels, according to the Institute for Industrial Development Studies (Iedi (in Portuguese-N.T.).
This situation is not only worse because the National Congress – with the active participation of the PCdoB bench -, confronting Bolsonaro, has approved the emergency income of R$ 600.00 (when the Ministry of Finance proposed only R$ 200.00), and forced , also, the president to retreat when he proposed the suspension of work and the cut of the day and the salary without any compensation for the workers, and increased the resources destined to the compensation of fall of collection of states and municipalities. These measures resulted in an injection of resources into the economy, partially mitigating the fall in demand.
It is important to highlight in the sphere of resistance the struggle, through union centrals, with dialogue and pressure on Congress, against the dismantling of labour rights, and the recent strike of workers by delivery apps, with great national repercussion, giving visibility to serious consequences of precarious employment relationships. But the government remains determined to attack workers’ rights, as is the case with Provisional Measure (MP) 927, which, among other setbacks, gives priority to individual rights withdrawal agreements without the participation of unions
The serious situation shows the Brazilian democracy threatened under continued attack by the extreme right government and illegal practices by sectors of the State’s legal-police apparatus.
III- A genocidal President
Brazil would be able to face the pandemic to prevent it from gaining the proportion it reached. Tens of thousands of Covid-19 deaths could have been prevented. But since it very beginning Bolsonaro has denied the severity of the disease, he did not outline a national strategy to face it, did not provide the Unified Health System (SUS in Portuguese)) with financial and human resources, and with indispensable inputs. SUS was already suffering from budget cuts, dismantling of important programs – such as Mais Médicos [1]-, lack of basic care and pharmaceutical assistance, among other issues.
Bolsonaro is guided by irresponsibility and omission, he makes a permanent campaign against social isolation and other health guidelines. He even tried to hide the growing number of dead and contaminated. He delays and sabotages measures approved by the National Congress and by the participatory management bodies of the Ministry of Health and the National Health Council to face the health and economic crisis. He delayed emergency aid to the poorest, excluded millions who needed this aid, thus making it difficult for people to stay at home to avoid contamination. He does not execute the resources authorized for health (retaining more than R$ 20 billion), limiting the sanitary actions necessary to fight the pandemic.
In short, Bolsonaro has been acting like a genocidal, directing the population to expose themselves to contamination. Now, when the deaths have an immense number, he plays an innocent role and, with cynicism, says he is unable to work miracles.
IV- Ultraliberal agenda fails, but Bolsonaro insists in its application
The Brazilian economy, which already had a minor performance, entered a serious recession, while the government, in the service of rentism, remained tied to a fiscal logic. It also remains adamant about the need to repeal Constitutional Amendment 95, the ceiling on public spending, when it is necessary to inject massive public investments, as is the case in certain countries, to boost the economy, saving companies, protecting life and jobs, carrying out works.
Public banks crossed their arms, did not release resources, and the mountain of money from the Central Bank that was passed on to private banks or stayed in the financial circle or went to large companies, leaving micro, small and medium companies without support. The catastrophic result will manifest itself in all its crudity during this second semester: breaking and destroying millions of jobs.
However, the Bolsonaro-Guedes duo doubles the bet on the ultraliberal and neo-colonial agenda, which is the determining cause of the recession. They plot the widespread privatization of profitable and strategic public companies and continue the dismantling of the State. They weaken public banks and are submissive to the financial system, sending public resources to private banks. They weaken and sabotages national sovereignty. They replaced the best in Brazilian foreign policy with a conduct of subservience to the USA and hostility to important diplomatic and commercial partners. And they are promoting deforestation in the Amazon, exposing the country to retaliation.
V- Extreme right-wing government on the defensive
Bolsonaro makes use of the pandemic to aggravate the political and institutional crisis, attacking the Powers of the Republic, putting the democratic regime under real threat. However, about three weeks ago he was forced to undertake a tactical retreat that temporarily imposes on him to camouflage and modulate his anti-democratic aggression. The purpose of this retreat is to preserve the mandate and try to prevent impeachment, seeking support beyond the bolsonarista[2] ghetto.
The duration of this step back is uncertain. For sure, Bolsonaro only gains time to regain strength, try to get rid of the inquiries and, as soon as possible, resume his offensive against the democratic regime.
Some factors pushed him on the defensive, such as the three inquires that investigate crimes of him, his clan and militias, conducted by the Supreme Federal Court (STF), These investigations are done to protect the Democratic Rule of Law; and the arrest of Fabricio Queiroz, a man very close to Bolsonaro’s family, who puts on screen crimes of corruption and money laundering of the clan, in addition to the visceral link with the militiamen in Rio de Janeiro State. Bolsonaro’s government has also a loss of support in all segments of society, especially in the middle classes.
Another decisive factor is the strengthening of the opposition field. Various broad-front movements in defense of democracy, life and rights are becoming the expression channel of the 75% of society that opposes dictatorships.
Bolsonaro, in turn, in the face of growing political isolation, realizing the real risk of being expunged from the Presidency, sets out to create a base of about 200 MP’s in Parliament, dividing the Centrao[3] He also acts to preserve the support provided by large companies and banks, for which the “pacifying” camouflage is seen as indispensable for the privatization agenda to be resumed and the machete of cuts in labour and social rights to continue. What is still giving the president room for manoeuvre is the resilient support he has from 25% to 30% of the population, although, according to surveys, only 15% provide him with unrestricted support. Bolsonaro’s international discredit is also extremely high.
VI- Strengthen the broad front, a major political task of the opposition and the PCdoB
The PCdoB – one of the pioneers parties to propose the broad front as the nucleus of the tactics of the oppositions – at this moment it strives so that the movements of the broad front that are coming to light are dynamized and thus they can reach the mission that they propose: to defend democracy, life and rights. PCdoB, directly or through its leaders, participated in the creation of several of these movements, it integrate their coordination and participate in them, as is the case of “Rights Now”, “Windows for Democracy” and “Front for life”.
The broad front is also expressed by the presence of the most of governors and by a large number of parliamentarians from various benches in the National Congress. It includes parties, personalities and leaders from the left, the centre and the right. Given this heterogeneous composition, there is evidently unity and struggle; a situation that requires that progressive forces to be able to build convergences that contribute to achieving its goals.
The PCdoB will continue to strengthen it, in different formats and spaces, and, whenever possible, will propose that unitary actions be carried out. And as soon as sanitary conditions permit, it will be up to broad front movements to promote large-scale civic street mobilizations.
However, the Party believes that remains necessary to repel, in the debate of ideas, conceptions and political misconceptions, sectarian, present in sectors of the left-wing, which persist in denying the need of the broad front, and even in antagonizing it.
The sector, entities and groups of the broad front need the people mobilizing force – hence the PCdoB, with its militants – starting from the action in the centrals and other union organs and in social movements -, works so that the leaders of this sector have a leading role in the construction of the front and for its platforms to make the necessary relationship between democracy, rights and social protection. In this context, the performance of CTB, CGTB, UNE, UBES, ANPG, ADJC, CMB, UBM, Conam, Unegro, UNA-LGTB[4] and militancy on the cultural front should be highlighted.
VII- Defending life, employment, income and resuming growth
Quanto à grande jornada que a nação empreende para enfrentar e superar a pandemia, o PCdoB – no Congresso Nacional e demais casas legislativas, com suas lideranças que exercem responsabilidades no âmbito dos governos estaduais e municipais e com a atuação nos movimentos – desdobra-se para que se efetive um conjunto de ações de governos e da sociedade civil que cumpram a diretriz de que a vida das pessoas está em primeiro lugar.
As for the great journey that the nation is undertaking to face and overcome the pandemic, the PCdoB – in the Parliament and other legislatures, with its leadership who exercise responsibilities within the scope of state and municipal governments and with the performance in the social movements – makes efforts to effective a set of actions by governments and civil society to comply with the guideline that people’s lives come first.
The Party, through its leaderships and organizations directly, carries out actions of solidarity with the people, as well as strives so that health professionals and other essential services workers be valued and have conditions of security to provide their services. Defending life, the Party, through its role in social movements, must act in the different areas of the committees that are being constituted by “Front for life”. Action that will increase the participation of communists in the journey to strengthen SUS[5] and the Unified Social Assistance System (SUAS).
In view of the escalation of deaths, the lack of cohesion between the political and health authorities, the context of uncertainties – a situation generated by the irresponsibility of the Bolsonaro’s government – and the imperative need to save lives, it is necessary to bear in mind, as maintained by respected research by health field, that the current stage of the pandemic in Brazil requires, among the indispensable measures, to break the chain of transmission of the virus. Initiatives to suppress transmission are shown in numerous examples, both inside and outside Brazil, especially in Asian countries. These are successful measures to contain the current contagion, as well as to ensure that new waves of the pandemic can be safely controlled. These actions include making use of the traditional measures of surveillance and epidemiological intelligence, such as which focuses on the active search for new cases, tracking their contacts and isolating positive cases. In Brazil, these actions can be developed by what we have as strongest and most successful in the SUS, which is the capillarity of the Basic Health Units, with their family health teams, properly guided by information from the regions, neighbourhood or streets, with indexes greater reproducibility of the virus.
The PCdoB bench in the Parliament, led by MP Perpétua Almeida, stands out for its vigorous criticism of Bolsonaro, for the construction of the broad front in National Congress, for the defense of life, democracy, employment, income, the resumption of economic growth , and to save micro, small and medium-sized companies.
Communist workers, through the CTB and CGTB, are guided by building the unity of the working class and its leading role in the democratic and patriotic struggle, in order to face the economic crisis and the Bolsonaro’s government. New challenges for the union movement have emerged in the wake of the coronavirus pandemic, requiring especially the unity of action of union centres, workers in the formal and informal market, in defense of democracy, life, health and the employment. The Party’s performance on the trade union front was fundamental in the first great act of the broad front, on May 1, 2020, unitary, broad and combative, to defend democracy and the resumption of development, and for “Fora, Bolsonaro!”. (Go out Bolsonaro! – N.T.)
The governor of Maranhao State, Flavio Dino (PCdoB), which has already consolidated itself nationally as one of the main leaders in the struggle for democracy defense, has been leading his government with all efforts, mobilizing the society of Maranhao to win the pandemic. Dino makes a huge effort to reduce the number of deaths as much as possible, guide, welcome and guarantee medical and hospital treatment to the population, and he does everything in his power to support and help the local economy.
VIII- Elections 2020: Defeat Bolsonarismo and strengthen the PCdoB project
In this context of disputes, the municipal elections next November are inserted. They integrate the same fight for life, for the creation of jobs and income, for democracy, for the rights of people to a dignified life, for democratic cities and with a better quality of life. This struggle that is linked to the way out of crises, through a policy of broad union of forces to isolate and defeat Bolsonarismo.
Elections in Brazil are always moments of mobilization and a position of voters; its importance should not be disregarded. There is unpredictability about the development of the country situation until November, but a pandemic and a worsening economic and social crisis point to trends of great popular dissatisfaction. On the other hand, it is asked to what extent the strong anti-system felling – that marked last presidential elections – will remain, which may also manifest itself in the form of electoral absenteeism.
There will be room for a vote of opinion that nationally reflects President Bolsonaro’s growing unpopularity and the democratic feeling of society; but this type of vote also requires flags and commitments that respond to the concrete wishes of the population of each municipality. Urgent issues, such as the right to health with the strengthening of SUS, social protection, the creation of jobs and the resumption of economic growth, will be important for the electorate.
The definition of the new electoral calendar was imposed, giving the campaign six more weeks until the conventions. This is a particularly important period to increase the spread of our majority and proportional candidacies, given that candidates already with mandates and with great political machines have an advantage in the dispute. And it is also very important for the candidacies for councillor to deepen their work to securing support, given the singularity of the great dispersion of names, due to the end of coalitions, which tends to lower the individual vote in general.
The national leadership of the PCdoB welcomes militants and leaders, who are committed to directing this effort, praising their pre-candidacies, a list of competitive leaders accredited to be victorious at the polls and equal to the responsibility of serving the people and the cities. The Party congratulates everyone, highlighting the pre-candidacies of the following cities: Porto Alegre, with Manuela D’Ávila, outstanding leader of our Party who is the first one in the researches; Salvador, with Olivia Santana; São Luis, with Rubens Junior; Rio de Janeiro, with Brizola Neto; São Paulo, with Orlando Silva; Belo Horizonte, with Wadson Ribeiro.
The PCdoB calls its militancy to these social and electoral political struggles. The 2020 electoral project – which was reinforced with “Movement 65” and the Common platform – should spread throughout the country, the legend 65 as a boost to the advantage to 2022 elections, and the construction of a presidential candidacy, as an alternative, of a good PCdoB in the struggles and governments, as Flavio Dino has doing ahead of the Maranhao government.
As the PCdoB Electoral Guide points out, the Party and its militant organizations are fundamental forces for the victory of the 2020 electoral project, one of the central objectives of our 2020-2021 Action Plan. Where the Party is structured and its Committees and Bases remain working and leading the campaign, better results are always reaped. For this reason, care must be taken to structure it, for political and social struggle, as well as for the organization of the campaign. The Party is the mainstay and a leader core to impulse our electoral project.
The policy of alliances will ultimately be decided by the National Political Commission (CPN) and will take as a parameter the objectives of our electoral project: the defeat of the bolsonarista field and an amplitude presupposed by the broad political front, taking in account that the alliances can be effective only in the second round (even if signaled from the first round).
IX- The struggle for a Brazil without Bolsonaro and an emergency platform
If Bolsonaro goes on in Presidency, the escalation of deaths will continue expanding and the economic and social disaster will be very costly to Nation and working class.
It is imperative to have an emergency platform for democratic policies that includes implemented measures to ensure the defense of life, providing income to the needy people – extending emergency aid of R $ 600 at least until December – and boosting the national economy, helping micro, small and medium-sized companies, indispensable for job creation. This platform must be sponsored by the Central Bank from the purchase of Treasury bills, as other countries do. The PCdoB has already developed a platform focused on responding to the ongoing serious crisis, it has been guided by it and seeks to contribute with broad front movements to build unitary programs.
The National Congress, designed as the home of the people, can be the mean for this national requirement, adopting required requirements. Many lives can still be saved, with a refreshed economy and the preservation of the democratic regime.
Bolsonaro has already revealed that he is unable to govern, He has committed crimes related to the pandemic and against democracy. The country’s reality requires the consolidation of the broad front of national salvation, struggling for a Brazil without Bolsonaro in the Presidency of the Republic.
Os brasileiros e as brasileiras conscientes da gravidade da situação, as instituições da República e as entidades representativas da sociedade devem se levantar com indignação para pôr ponto final nesse governo.
Brazilians men and women aware of the gravity of the situation, the institutions of the Republic and entities representing society must rise up in indignation to put an end to this government.
By life, democracy, employment and rights!
Go out, Bolsonaro!
Brasilia, July 11, 2020.
The Central Committee of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB)
[1] More Doctors Program. (N.T.)
[2] The Bolsonaro´s supporters. (N.T.)
[3] In Brazilian politics Centrao refers to a group of political parties that do not have a specific ideological orientation and aims to ensure proximity to the executive power so that it guarantees advantages. (N.T.)
[4] CTB – Central of Works of Brazil. CGTB – General Central of Works of Brazil. UNE – National Union of Students, UBES – Brazilian Union of High Scholl Students. ANPG – National Association of Graduate Students. ADJC – Lawyers for Democracy, Justice and Citizenship. CMB – Confederation of Women of Brazil, UBM – Brazilian Union of Women. Conam – National Confederation of Residents’ Associations. Unegro – Black Union for Equality. UNA-LGBT – National Union of Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transvestites and Transsexuals. (N.T.)
[5] SUS – Unified Health System (N.T.)